Everyday Life

 

With a circumference of only 3 miles for the entire camp and each compound of 1000 prisoners being only 100 square yards (83.61 meters) space at Knockaloe was scarce. As the site was initially designed to hold only 5,000 men those planning the camp could never have envisaged it extending to such a degree. The 4 sub-camps developed filling in the landscape of the farm with Camps 1 and 2 situated closest to the main road with one on each side of the driveway up to the farm buildings. Camp 3 then swept around the back of the farm buildings and was comprise of a series of irregular shaped compounds. Finally Camp 4 was located next to Camp 2. Although the camp buildings have all now gone from the landscape the field boundaries that are currently in use on the farm are very similar to the layout of the camp, while earlier maps suggest that the camps were designed to fit into the farms existing field systems.

 

Digitised 1869 Map of Knockaloe ©IOM DOI

Digitised 1869 map of Knockaloe Moar Farm ©IOM DOI

 

The compounds within each of the 4 sub camps were laid out in a fairly standard fashion with the huts grouped together along with a dining hall, kitchen and latrines. The dining hall, although named as such on the official camp plans were in fact turned into workshops, theaters and classrooms. This was at the request of the internees who were happy to eat in their accommodation huts and preferred to use the space in the dining hut more productively. Their desire to do this was supported by the camp Commandant and J. T. Baily the camp Industrial Advisor as the benefits of having space in which the internees could be productive were obvious. This change can be seen in the plan of Camp 3, Compound 2, drawn by an internee and renaming the dining hall as the theater hall (see Plan of Compound 2, Camp 3). This change in space is significant in the camp as it not only shows the importance of the various activities but highlights the fact that the internees came together collectively to request this change asserting themselves as a group and showing that they valued the space around them aware that the way they chose to use it was instrumental to the way they would spend their time.

 

2007 Aerial photograph of Knockaloe Moar Farm. ©IOM DOI

2007 Aerial photograph of Knockaloe Moar Farm. ©IOM DOI

 

Other plans and records suggest that with the exception of the dining halls the remaining camp buildings were constructed as per the official plans. Artistic impressions where showing large areas of the camp such as views from the hills surrounding the site also seem to generally conform to the official plans. The presence of a large flue as part of the farm buildings acted as a locational marker within the landscape and retrospectively aids in assessing the accuracy of the art. Within the huts themselves the internees had very little space of their own and highlighted the conflicting emotions of the camp regarding loneliness and companionship as even in a room crowded with people individuals could feel incredibly lonely as they were not able to be with their loved ones. In an attempt to improve their space the men sought to individualise their personal areas. These areas may were small but they were their own and for many of the men it was an opportunity to create an area that had aspects that were uniquely their own displaying their personality through the use of photographs, artwork and objects they had made or acquired while interned.

 

Plan of Camp 3, Compound 2. ©Knockaloe Archive

Plan of Camp 3, Compound 2. ©Knockaloe Archive

 

Plan of general school building, Knockaloe. ©MNH

Plan of general school building, Knockaloe. ©MNH

 

The majority of evidence to support the idea of personalisation in the huts comes in the shape of the digitised glass plate slides from the Manx Museum. This large collection of images taken by local visiting photographers to the camp over a series of years provides quite literally a snapshot into camp life.

 

It is difficult to say how accurate an experience these images portray and whether they were manipulated either by the camp officials to try and create a positive image of internment or by the internees who were able to purchase copies of the photographs which they could then send back home. There no doubt that a lot of the men were collecting and acquiring material which they used to decorate their spaces but how many and to what degree is unclear. Images from the same collection show very similar scenes from Douglas Camp suggesting that this was a strong feature of the internees’ experience.

 

There were some men who chose not to be photographed with their possessions or in their personal spaces. The reason for this is unclear although it is possible that they chose not to because they did not have the same connection with their space as others. Attachment to things implied relationships were developing with the place and space in which they inhabited and for some men this must have seemed like the worst possible outcome. While many men chose to deal with their situation as best they could to some it may have been seen as a sign of weakness, a suggestion that they accepted the conditions of their internment. A further possibility is that these potential divisions were a mark of the class divides in the camp with the wealthy able to buy and own multiple objects while the poor could develop much less in the way of a collection of objects.

 

Painting of Hut Interior by Richard Halfpap ©Knockaloe Archive

Painting of Hut Interior by Richard Halfpap ©Knockaloe Archive

 

Images and artwork may suggest there was such a divide. Richard Halfpap’s painting of a hut interior depicts a rather empty and plain space with very few personal objects. The model boat on the table and a chessboard on the wall do represent some recreational activity but generally there is very little to show for the number of men inhabiting the space. A photograph from the MNH World War 1 Internment Glass Plate Collection shows a very similar image with very little personal material. Admittedly the photograph represents what would appear to be an inspection of the hut with the beds all folded away and the chairs on top of the tables but given there is so little space it is difficult to think where else it might be. The photograph also backs up the idea of contrasting elements of society within the camp with the poor and rich forming distinct classes. In contrast to these spaces a large number of the Knockaloe interiors represent much display much greater quantities of material while also having art work and photographs on the walls and in some cases even wallpaper. 

 

Hut interior cleared for inspection. ©MNH

Hut interior cleared for inspection. ©MNH

 

In contrast to these spaces a large number of the Knockaloe interiors represent much display much greater quantities of material while also having art work and photographs on the walls and in some cases even wallpaper. These images also show great efforts to divide space and create individual areas. This is most often done with blankets and other fabric which is hung to give the impression of walls.

 

Many of the images also show a display of objects, often decorative craft work but also items such as teapots and other ceramic wares or chess boards, books and tennis rackets. The need to display these items is most often as a message to those back home to let them know that they are alright and that they are not suffering. Sadly it is impossible to know how many of the men also felt it was an opportunity to show the officials, guards and of course the photographer that they were surviving in the face of adversity.

 

Personal space in hut. ©MNH

Personal space in hut. ©MNH

 

Men in hut. Note use of every available space. ©MNH

Men in hut. Note use of every available space. ©MNH

 

Long term perspective was a poor prospect within the camp. Once the internees realised that the war would not be over by Christmas, the lack of a defined end to their experience was the source of great torment. No one was able to predict how long the men would be detained  and the longer they stayed at Knockaloe the less people could predict the experiences that would await them when they left. For many hope and patience were tied up with the thoughts of returning home and being reunited with families in Britain, a hope that was sadly to be dashed with the forced repatriation of the internees.

 

Some of the various activities on offer to the internees. © MNH. 

 

Internment also brought with it vasts amount of time, and the internees developed a huge number of activities and sources of employment to occupy themselves. Through activity it was believed that the internee could shift the mind from the negatives of their situation focusing instead on the productivity of doing, creating and performing. Numerous jobs could be found in the camp itself. ‘Official’ employment came in the form of work necessary for the basic functioning of the camp while unofficial employment came as the men began to realise that their skills outside the camp could be put to good use internally. Barber's, tailors, shoe shine boys and even waiters were able to trade their wares and offer their services. Cohen-Portheim records eighty barbers in his compound alone and also tells of the option to pay someone to carry out your weekly potato peeling shift.

 

Barber shop, Knockaloe Camp. ©MNH.

 

In an attempt to deal with these issues of time the internees developed a huge number of activities and sources of employment to occupy their time. Through activity it was believed that the internee could shift the mind from the negatives of their situation focusing instead on the productivity of doing, creating and performing. Numerous jobs could be found in the camp itself. ‘Official’ employment came in the form of work necessary for the basic functioning of the camp while unofficial employment came as the men began to realise that their skills outside the camp could be put to good use internally. Barber's, tailors, shoe shine boys and even waiters were able to trade their wares and offer their services. Cohen-Portheim records eighty barbers in his compound alone and also tells of the option to pay someone to carry out your weekly potato peeling shift.

 

Internees outside greenhouse ©MNH

Internees outside greenhouse. ©MNH.

 

Gardening and agricultural work were a popular form of activity in the camp. At the rear of the camp approximately 30 acres of land was provided for allotments and cultivation where internees would grow a wide variety of fruit and vegetables aided by the construction of greenhouses (see Report on Internment Camp at Knockaloe, IOM). Gardening of a more decorative nature was also undertaken by many. This activity had the due role of passing time but also of transforming the drab camp into a green and colourful space at least for a few months of the year. The practice was taken seriously with the gardening committee organising exhibitions and competitions.

 

Civilian PoW Camp Painting by George Kenner ©George Kenner Estate

Painting by George Kenner showing flower garden. ©George Kenner Estate.

 

For some agricultural work could provide an escape if only temporarily into the outside world. Work parties were set up and sent out to a number of farms around the Island to help fill the labour shortage caused by the war. The internees also carried out a drainage programme at Ballaugh Curraghs, a scheme believed to have saved the government over £6,000 (Norris 1994, 153).  The opportunities these experiences gave were obviously great. Leaving the camp, even if only for a short period, provided new sensory experiences, the opportunity to experience new sights and sounds and provided a period of respite from the monotony of camp routine. This experience also brought with it the difficult experience of tasting freedom and then having to return to the camp. Having waited so long to leave the camp it must have been a challenge to do so knowing return would arrive all too soon. Alternatively, for some after long periods in internment an element of institutionalisation may mean they welcome the return to camp, the return to the familiar and the place that has now become home.